Part 2: Includes pages 134 - 166 of the published work.
Return to the beginning | Go to Part 3
Alchemy
Essential to understanding the themes animating the
Kabbalistic-Hermetic world view is a discussion of alchemy. In
popular misconception, alchemy is an immature, empirical, and
speculative precursor of chemistry having as its primary concern
the transmutation of base metals into gold.40 This
simplification touches at only the most superficial veneer of
alchemy; in stark contrast, current historical and psychological
readings of the alchemical tradition suggest it had complex roots
delving into the religious or philosophical subsoils of Western
culture and aspirations far more subtle than the production of
gold. Indeed, the dictum of medieval alchemists themselves avows
this fact: Aurum nostrum no est aurum vulgi ("Our
gold is not vulgar gold").
The historical foundations of alchemy rest in the same early
Christian epoch and Gnostic cultural milieu that generated the
texts of the Corpus Hermeticum and nurtured the early
mystical roots of Kabbalah.41 As with Gnosticism and
Hermeticism, after the emergence of Christian orthodoxy, alchemy
submerged into the darker subsoil of Western culture until the
Middle Ages. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries renewed
contacts with Arabic and Greek alchemical materials, together
with a reawakening interest in heterodox classical knowledge,
inaugurated a new study of this ancient "Art." And to
this study was eventually add-mixed Kabbalah. No less a figure
than Albertus Magnus (1193-1280) became an adept of alchemy and
authored numerous alchemical works. To Thomas Aquinas, the great
student of Albertus and the signal theologian of the age,
alchemical texts are also attributed—a fact suggesting the
philosophical and religious tenor of alchemical thought.42
For the next four hundred years, alchemy ran like Ariadne's
thread in a labyrinth of creative vision. As the Age of Reason
dawned, Isaac Newton, Robert Boyle, and John Locke would secretly
correspond on alchemy's occult mysteries; Newton is now well
known to have penned more than a million words on the great Art.43
A century and a half later its mystery would command Goethe's
masterwork, Faust, considered by C. G. Jung "the
final summit" of alchemical philosophy in its last creative
extensions.44
Central to alchemy was the declaration of the Tabula
smaragdina: That which is below is above, that above is also
below. In the alchemical view, matter, the substance below, was
the compliment and reflection of the divine realm above. This
perception was sometimes daringly extended in the face of
Christian dogma to assert that matter was eternal and uncreated,
a complement and mirror to the equally divine and uncreated
spirit. As Jung observed, "Matter in alchemy is material and
spiritual, and spirit spiritual and material."45
Within matter resided a light, the lumen naturae, which
was both a reflection and eternal compliment of heaven's
celestial glory, the lumen dei. This strange perception
was amplified in an array of alchemical metaphors; the core image
was a complexio oppositorum—expressed by dualities such
as "light and dark," "material and
spiritual," "wet and dry," "sun and
moon," "manifest and occult," "feminine and
masculine"—seeking transformative, salvific, and ultimately
creative union. This mending of divisions, above and below,
required a work in proxy to be performed by living men and women.
Unaided by the alchemist—and his mystical sister and feminine
companion—it could not be accomplished. (See Figure 3.)
The treasure sought by the alchemist was often termed the
"philosopher's stone" (the antecedent of Joseph Smith's
"seer's stone"): the pearl of great price, the stone
rejected by the builder, the filius philosophorum.46
Though the alchemical transformation was often described as a
transmutation of base metal into gold—and though early
alchemists had experimental laboratories and engaged in empirical
exploration—the late alchemical literature reveals that
ultimately it was the alchemist's own human baseness which sought
transmutation into something divine. Thus the alchemist was a
necessary agent of creative transmutation: a priest in a
hallowed, ancient priesthood; a son of the Widow; a knower of
creation's ancient secret; a digger after hidden treasure.47
The heart of this tradition was embodied in its ultimate
mysteries: the hierosgamos, or "sacred wedding,"
and the mysterium coniunctionis, a mysterious union of
opposites that eternally wed male to female, matter to spirit,
above to below, microcosmos to macrocosmos,
humankind to divinity.
A Legacy of Occult Societies: Rosicrucians and Masons
By the seventeenth century, the creative mix of Kabbalistic,
Hermetic, and alchemical religious philosophies had nurtured
among important sectors of Europe's intellectual elite broad
aspirations for a more general religious reformation, even a
restoration of the ancient and true religion. Insightful
individuals at the creative edge of the culture judged their
times and urgently sought an alternative to the vehement
Reformation and Counter-Reformation madness which would soon
bathe Europe in blood. One might easily comprehend how this
anxious age would be excited by the mysterious announcement of a
noble, secret, and ancient brotherhood calling itself the
fraternity of the Rose Cross, summoning the elite of Europe to
join in a new reformation.48 Thus began the
Rosicrucian enlightenment.
In 1614 the first of the enigmatic documents that would become
known as the "Rosicrucian manifestos" was published at
Cassel, Germany. Titled the Fama Fraternitatis, or a Discovery
of the Fraternity of the Most Noble Order of the Rosy Cross,
this strange work was a
trumpet call which was to echo throughout Germany,
reverberating thence through Europe. God has revealed to
us in the latter days a more perfect knowledge, both of
his Son, Jesus Christ, and of Nature. He has raised men
endued with great wisdom who might renew all arts and
reduce them all to perfection, so that man "might
understand his own nobleness, and why he is called
Microcosmus, and how far this knowledge extendeth into
Nature."49
The Fama proceeded to introduce the history of a
mysterious individual called "C. R." Born in 1378, C.
R. was the founding father of the Rosicrucian order, a man who
had labored long, though unrecognized, towards the general
reformation now declared. C. R. (or Christian Rosencreutz as he
was subsequently identified) had been an "illuminated
man." As a sixteen-year-old boy he had traveled to the East
where "the wise received him (as he himself witnesseth) not
as a stranger, but as one whom they had long expected; they
called him by his name, and showed him other secrets,"
including an important text called only "the book M."
The boy became skilled in language and translation, "so that
the year following he translated the book M into good Latin,
which he afterwards brought with him." (The "book
M" continued to play an important part in the Rosicrucian
mythos as one of its treasures; of course, a vague outline of the
story told by Joseph Smith might here also be discerned.) C. R.
then traveled across Africa to Spain,
hoping well (that since) he himself had so well and so
profitably spent his time in his travel, that the learned
in Europe would highly rejoice with him, and begin to
rule and order all their studies according to those sound
and sure foundations. He therefore conferred with the
learned in Spain. . . . But it was to them a laughing
matter, and being a new thing unto them, they feared that
their great name should be lessened, if they should now
again begin to learn and acknowledge their many years
errors.
Rejected, Brother C.R eventually returned to Germany and
quietly established his order among those few men who
"through especial revelation should be received into this
Fraternity." Among these men alone were shared and
transmitted the secrets of the order. After death, C. R.'s body
was concealed in a tomb and eventually forgotten; but this lost
vault, declared the Fama, had around the year 1604 been
again found, opened, and entered. Within its miraculously lighted
geometric confines C. R.'s followers discovered an altar, a
"brass plate" upon which were engraved mysterious words
and glyphs, several records of the order, and the book M. And
now, the Fama continued,
like as our door was after so many years wonderfully
discovered, also there shall be opened a door to Europe
(when the wall is removed) which already doth begin to
appear, and with great desire is expected of many. . . .
Howbeit we know after a time there will now be a general
reformation, both of divine and human things. . . . Our
Philosophy also is not a new invention, but as Adam after
his fall hath received it, and as Moses and Solomon used
it.50
Upon close examination the Fama Fraternitatis presents
itself more as an allegory than as actual history, and this was
probably its intent. The Rosicrucian mythos was connected closely
with the mysteries of alchemy where allegorical legends of buried
treasures miraculously rediscovered were particularly prevalent.51
However, the story was generally interpreted literally. And the
excitement it incited grew the following year with the
publication of the second Rosicrucian manifesto, the Confessio
Fraternitatis.52 This second manifesto repeated
the message of the first, interpreting and intensifying it, and
added a powerful apocalyptic and prophetic note: a great
millennial reformation was at hand, and with it, a return to an
Adamic knowledge revealed by God:
We ought therefore here observe well, and make it
known unto everyone, that God hath certainly and most
assuredly concluded to send and grant to the world before
her end, which presently thereupon shall ensue, such
truth, light, life and glory, as the first man Adam had .
. . . So then, the secret hid writings and characters are
most necessary for all such things . . . . What before
times hath been seen, heard, and smelt, now finally shall
be spoken and uttered forth, when the World shall awake
out of her heavy and drowsy sleep, and with an open
heart, bare-headed, and bare-foot, shall merrily and
joyfully meet the new arising Sun.53
One year later, in 1616, a third and final Rosicrucian
document appeared, The Chemical Wedding of Christian
Rosencreutz. Cast in the form of a long allegory in
alchemical symbolism, it bid the wise of Europe approach a sacred
royal marriage, a hierosgamos of mysterious mystical
intent:
This day, this day, this, this
The Royal Wedding is.
Art thou thereto by birth inclined,
And unto joy of God design'd
Then may'st thou to the mountain tend
Whereon three stately Temples stand,
And there see all from end to end.54
The Rosicrucian manifestos caused a furor throughout Europe
and England. Individuals espousing sympathy with Rosicrucian
ideals published numerous works lauding the brotherhood's
purposes and petitioning acceptance into the order. But to the
dismay of all, the Rosicrucian brotherhood never declared itself,
never accepted or acknowledged the many aspirants to its
fellowship, and indeed perhaps never even really (at least
outwardly) existed. While history has identified both the author
of the manifestos—Johann Valentin Andreae—and a wider group of
individuals sharing in "Rosicrucian" aspirations, the
deeper sources and purposes of the movement remain enshrouded in
layers of mystery and supposition.
Whatever their actual intent or origins, the manifestos
crystallized a broad preexisting alternative, reformative
inclination in European society. This was a new/old religious
vision steeped in Hermetic, Kabbalistic, alchemical, and in the
broader definition, Gnostic, symbolism; a mythos that had been
brewing in the pregnant retort of European creativity over two
prior centuries.55 The tradition's
"doctrines"—imbued as they were with an experimental,
experiential, creative and immensely personal vision—found
expression in a peculiar symbolic or hieroglyphic language, an
idiom alchemical in nature but ever more religious-philosophic
than physical-chemical in intent. And interwoven in all was a new
working of the old sacred mystery of Kabbalah. This infusion of
Kabbalah was aided in the later seventeenth century by Knorr von
Rosenroth's translation into Latin of several key Kabbalistic
works, including large sections of the Zohar—an effort
that was immensely influential in the literate circles devoted to
these studies.56 There followed in the
mid-to-late-seventeenth century, particularly in England, an
alchemical renaissance. During this period the Hermetic
"religion" of alchemy was augmented by Kabbalistic
imagery and fermented by a high spiritual quest for ultimate,
individual knowledge of God. It was this expansive alchemical
Hermetic philosophy into which Isaac Newton and his fellows in
the new Royal Society delved.57
The arcane Hermetic books produced by Christian philosophers
during this period circulated widely among the elite societies
and intellects of Europe. These were works composed in the idiom
of symbolic language, replete with allegorical pictures hinting
at humankind's noble mystery.58 The
"hieroglyphic" engravings often play at the theme of
the complexio oppositorum, opposites seeking union, a
motif conveyed by (or accompanied with) the arcane symbols of Sun
and Moon (See Figure 4.) In several figures trumpets herald the
new dispensation, an image offered by the second Rosicrucian
manifesto.59 Emblematic of humankind having again
remembered God's messengers, angels ascend and descend from
heaven.60 We repeatedly find illustrated a sacred
wedding of King and Queen, their holy conjunction being oft
pictured as a carnal coupling which leads through hermaphroditic
forms to a new and regal heavenly being. Here too we encounter a
symbolic beehive. The industry this beehive metaphorically bids,
however, was misunderstood in latter days. In its primary context
the "industry" was a secret, laborious concern of
alchemical transmutation: a transformation of dark matter into a
pure and vital golden elixir—an alchemical opus performed within
the alembic "hive" of the soul.61 (See
Figure 5.) Intimately associated and reigning over all the
emblems of this occult hieroglyphic tongue was the supreme
"All-Seeing Eye" of God, the sacred emblem of a
perpetual divine and uncreated intelligence, humankind's single
unfailing light (See Figure 6). This time, these emblematic
books, this philosophy: these are the propagating sources of the
symbols finally carved in stone upon Joseph's Nauvoo temple. To
this Hermetic-alchemical tradition and its unique vision alone
did they pertain, from it alone came an assertion of their sacred
import. Early Mormonism's affinity for and incorporation of the
same symbolic motifs strongly evidences its intrinsic link with
the Hermetic tradition.62 (See Figure 7 & 8.)
The import of myth and metaphor as a vehicle of the
Hermetic-Kabbalistic tradition cannot be overstated. In Gnostic
studies the function of myth and symbol as a conduit for the
expression of primary vision is well accepted, and classical
Gnosticism is now usually classified in terms of its mythic
motifs. Likewise, within the Hermetic-Kabbalistic tradition the
intricate interplay of "above and below" bred a unique
matrix of myths: stories and symbols which conveyed by metaphor
the savor of a primary and encompassing vision of God and
humanity. Integrated and developed over several hundred years,
this Hermetic-Kabbalistic mythos reached maturation during the
seventeenth century. It is during the early and middle years of
this key century that the mythos most fully flowered, enveloping
the separate traditions of Kabbalah, classical Hermeticism, and
alchemy.
A creative mix of symbols and stories played variations on
core archetypal themes during this period. Detailed examination
of these is beyond this essay. But there is one image which runs
as a pervasive subtext, defining the tradition's fuller mythos:
the motif of the mysterium coniunctionis. On earth and in
heaven two paths intertwined; Man and God echoed to each other a
flux of conjunctions. Matter and spirit, light and dark,
masculine and feminine: all mingled in the mystery, face to face.
An array of opposites were personified as vehicles for the
metaphor of this conjunction. To these was linked the companion
image of the hierosgamos. It was a mystery foreshadowed by
man and woman in first conjunction as Adam and Eve, proxies of
creation's primary conundrum. It became the sacred wedding of a
King and Queen, the Rex and Regina of alchemy.63
(see Figure 9.) Of course, there followed a parallel theme of the
great mystery's knower, the philosopher-priest-king who was the
human mediator of conjunction. And playing an important role in
the specific form of several motifs (particularly those within
the occult fraternities) came variations on the story of
Christian Rosencreutz, the book M, the sealed text awaiting
translation, the hidden tomb, and the lost buried treasure.
Perhaps in imitation of the mysterious Rose Cross brothers,
and certainly in rational response to political exigencies,
reformative religious aspirations increasingly inclined during
the subsequent century towards the formation of occult
brotherhoods and societies. Incongruent as it seems, this
expansion of occult interests appeared hand-in-hand with the
so-called "Age of Enlightenment." A group of highly
informed Englishmen influenced by, or perhaps sharing in,
Rosicrucian aspirations and symbolic language probably engendered
the first secret Masonic lodges during the mid-seventeenth
century.64 The earliest generally accepted
documentation of a Masonic initiation is found in the dairy of
Elias Ashmole in 1646. Ashmole (1617-92) was an influential
scholar and collector of books, a founding member of the Royal
Society, and a man with an unquestionably extensive knowledge of
Rosicrucian materials. Among the documents preserved in his
impressive library are the texts of the Rosicrucian manifestos
carefully copied in his own hand; to these manuscripts Ashmole
had appended a letter, also in his own hand but apparently
addressed to no one, praising the Rosicrucian fraternity and
petitioning admission.65
By the late seventeenth century, several occult Hermetic
brotherhoods, including Masonic and Rosicrucian societies,
existed in England. The relationship these fraternities had to
the first Grand Masonic Lodge organized at London in 1717 remains
unclear. Although noting that "Masonry underwent gradual
changes throughout a period of years stretching from well before
1717 to well after that date," modern authorities on Masonic
history usually mark the beginnings of "speculative
Masonry" to the decade following organization of this first
Grand Lodge.66 Not long after this, around 1750, a
specifically Rosicrucian order had been incorporated into French
Masonry. Within the initiatory structure of the occult lodges,
allegorical "mystery plays" were used to convey,
through symbolic ritual, the grounding mythos of Masonry—a
mythos which appears to have been fundamentally
Hermetic-Kabbalistic.67 Though several renditions of
Masonic history still emphasize the role of earlier "craft
guilds" as a source of Freemasonry, relatively little
evidence supports this claim. Even if one grants the existence of
some linkage of eighteenth-century Masonry with earlier craft
guilds, this does not diminish the molding force Hermeticism,
alchemy and Rosicrucianism had on the fraternity's symbolic and
philosophic development. (See Figure 10.) Simply put:
Eighteenth-century Masonry was forcefully shaped by esoteric
Hermetic-Kabbalistic traditions. While emphasizing this, I allow
that several Masonic Lodges eventually evolved with less esoteric
underpinnings and much simple fraternal intentions.
Taking note of the increasing influence of Freemasonry in
politics and society, German historians began attempting during
the latter part of the eighteenth century to trace the historical
roots of Masonry. Evidence compiled during this period suggested
those roots led not to King Solomon or the craft guilds, but to
Rosicrucianism. This view was in wide circulation by the early
nineteenth century, and in 1824 the prominent English essayist
Thomas De Quincey published a detailed restatement in London
Magazine.68 While A. E. Waite rejected this
assertion in 1887,69 Frances Yates recently restated
a strong case for it. "The European phenomenon of
Freemasonry," she concluded in 1972, "almost certainly
was connected with the Rosicrucian movement."70
Whatever judgment one favors, it remains clear that during the
period of Joseph Smith's life Masonry was not uncommonly believed
to be associated with a Rosicrucian legacy of alchemical,
Kabbalistic, and Hermetic lore and its reformative religious
aspirations.71
The eighteenth century was a fertile breeding ground for
occult societies, almost all of which had groundings in a
Hermetic-Kabbalistic framework and upon a bedrock of Masonry and
Rosicrucianism. Students unfamiliar with their history too
commonly assume a consistency and cohesion in these movements, or
confound them with the charitable fraternities that are their
distant modern cousins. On the contrary, a creative heterogeneity
and religion-making mysticism was rampant among these groups.72
Existing orders and lodges were not uncommonly transmuted by the
force of strange individuals, new visions, and claims of ever
more enlightened, ancient origins. Examples come easily: Adam
Weishaupt who sought through his Masonic order of the Illuminati,
founded in 1776, to transform German politics and society; the
mysterious Comte de Saint-Germain (ca. 1710-85), a devotee of
alchemy and occult arts, who widely influenced continental lodges
of Masonry; Count Alessandro di Cagliostro (ca. 1743-95) who
blended Egyptian and Kabbalistic symbolism into his Egyptian
Masonic rite, an order which included men, women, and rumors of
ritual sexual liaisons73; Martinez de Pasqually (ca.
1715-79) and his Order of Les Elus Cohen (the Elect
Priests), claiming a Kabbalistic, Masonic restoration of the
ancient priesthood of Judaism, a notion echoed in other esoteric
manifestations of Masonry; and Louis Claude de St. Martin
(1743-1803), disciple of de Pasqually, who long remained an
influence upon French occultism. To these must be added the
brilliant Swedish seer Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772), founder of
a religious movement that touched esoteric Masonry.74
Though several visionary figures stood in this rank of
illuminates, eventually the broader manifestations of the
movement attracted more than a few opportunistic charlatans.
Separating the two is no easier for historians today than it was
for their contemporaries.
In summary, common threads of a specific mythos weave through
these movements and societies, even if they are not of one common
cloth. In the occult inclinations of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries one finds a recurrent theme of restoration:
restoration of a more perfect, ancient order; of forgotten
priesthood; of secret mysteries and rituals; and of lost occult
words and powers. Often there mingles in the visionary fabric a
practical thread: Man is intrinsically and eternally imbued with
uncreated divine intelligence, an elixir by which he may
alchemically transmute the dark material world—including its
social and political structures—and thus restore Zion upon the
earth. It was an opus reflected in allegories, glyphs, and
symbols, by a canon reopened and reinterpreted, and in ancient
lost books again found: buried, hidden, golden treasures all
awaiting men and women who would delve. For seers of this age the
tasks at hand were personal, but by nature the inner opus was
reflected outwardly: microcosmos and macrocosmos were
inextricably linked. This broad world view engendered laborers in
an ancient craft, builders of a new temple—a mystical structure
ordered above and below by living links of light and vision—and
in the Holy of Holies of this sanctum they sought a sacred
wedding of transformative union, a mysterium coniunctionis.
It was in sum a Hermetic-Kabbalistic mythos, deeply admixed with
alchemy, reformed by Rosicrucianism, and conjoined with a Mason's
compass and square. And at its esoteric core there shone a
distant Gnostic spark.
Hermeticism and the Magic World View
A decade ago Mormon historians were forced to confront the
subject of Joseph Smith and the occult or magic world view, a
confrontation caused in part by the "discovery" of the
so-called "Salamander" letter. Replete with references
to seer stones, treasures, and enchantments, the letter also
related that Joseph Smith obtained the Book of Mormon not from an
angel, but from a magical white salamander which transfigured
itself into a spirit.75 Though the letter was
subsequently proved a forgery, for two years historian labored
under the assumption that the letter and several companion
forgeries were genuine. In the wake of these events the prophet
Joseph Smith's spiritual roots came under a careful scrutiny.
Ironically, investigators soon brought to the surface a wealth of
unquestionably genuine material—much of it long available but
either misunderstood or ignored—substantiating that Smith and
his family had a variety of interactions with non-orthodox
Western religious traditions generally termed "occult."
Repercussions from this difficult period in Mormon studies are
still playing out.
Cast into the realm of occult history, historians tried to
make sense of this "occult" Joseph Smith and early
Mormonism. The general interpretation eventually adopted by many
investigators structured Joseph Smith's links to the occult
within the sociological context of New England folk magic and its
"magic world view." D. Michael Quinn's seminal study Early
Mormonism and the Magic World View was initiated during this
period. In his introduction, Quinn began by exorcising the
forgeries and summoning the facts:
the historical issues these forgeries raised . . .
require, I believe, a careful re-evaluation of evidence
long in existence regarding early Mormonism and magic. .
. . Sources [whose authenticity are beyond question]
provide evidence of Joseph Smith's participation in
treasure digging; the possession and use of instruments
and emblems of folk magic by Smith, his family members,
and other early LDS leaders; the continued use of such
implements for religious purposes in the establishment
and early years of Mormonism; and the sincere belief of
many early Mormons in the magic world view.76
Subsequently, Quinn moved beyond these simple data. Indeed,
"comprehensive" is hardly an adequate description of
his survey. Magical rituals, Kabbalah, Hermes Trismegistos,
Rosicrucians, Seer's stones, divining rods, Masonic lore, and
astrology: Quinn binds them all, by evidence weak and strong, to
Joseph. Less integrative than extensive, his study is a
foundation work which—as any such work should—leaves far more
questions unresolved than answered.
The subject broached by this effort demands further
evaluation. A crucial correction, however, must be made to the
methodology used in examining the data: the concept of a magic Weltanschauung
or "world view" must be balanced with an intensive
historical casting of early nineteenth-century occultism's
lineages and mythos. Particularly important is a careful
examination of Hermeticism and the nature of the religious vision
it encouraged.
Faced with a vast subject, Quinn constructed an arena for its
study by circumscribing the concept of a "magic world
view" within the culture of early America, and then
summoning the various facts that drew Joseph Smith and other
early Mormons into that circle. The definition of
"magic" came from Webster's Third International
Dictionary, augmented and slightly expanded. Magic is (and
not to quote the whole definition given by Quinn, I will
abbreviate) the "use of means . . . that are believed to
have supernatural power to cause a supernatural being to produce
or prevent a particular result"; the control of natural
forces "by the typically direct action of rites, objects,
materials, or words considered supernaturally powerful."
Later Quinn adds that magic tends to incorporates an animistic
world view and a sense of a chain of causation behind event.
Though it can be supplicative, its intent is often coercive.77
One is ill-advised to argue here with Quinn's general approach or
definition of magic and its world view; given the many constrains
upon such a path-breaking investigation, both are well enough
chosen. Nonetheless their static sociological and philological
correctness partially obscures a more complex process at play.
Magic came in many forms, high and low. As discussed earlier,
in Europe the medieval legacy of magic was transformed between
the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries by an influx of the
highly refined Kabbalistic, Hermetic, and alchemical traditions.
During that time magic became—at least for scholarly adherents
like Pico della Mirandola, Giordano Bruno, and John
Dee—something akin to religion.78 In the
Hermetic-Kabbalistic interpretation magic had more to do with
obtaining experiential knowledge of God and the celestial
hierarchies than with particularistic goals of control and
coercion—the "digging for vulgar gold." Both Jewish
and Christian practitioners of the "high magical arts"
would have judged Webster's definition as applicable more to a
reprehensible form of popular or folk magic than to their own
pursuits.79 By the seventeenth century this Hermetic
magic had become thoroughly intertwined with a wider reformative
religious vision and a coherent foundational mythos. This view
asserted the human potential for divine communication,
progression to ultimate knowledge and even union or identity with
God.
Certainly popular magic with its less refined concerns
continued to exist; and in terms of pure numbers of practitioners
it most likely dominated in the common culture. But British
historian Keith Thomas notes the important distinction that must
be developed between popular magic and the separate intellectual
or elitist trends. Speaking here of developments in the
seventeenth and early eighteenth century, Thomas notes:
It would thus be tempting to explain the practice of
popular magic as the reflection of the [alchemical and
Hermetic] intellectual interests of contemporary
scientists and philosophers. But such a chain of
reasoning would almost certainly be mistaken. By this
period popular magic and intellectual magic were
essentially two different activities, overlapping at
certain points, but to a large extent carried on in
virtual independence of each other.80
What Thomas calls "intellectual magic" was of course
the seventeenth-century mix of Hermeticism, Kabbalah, and
alchemy. The point I am making is that magic could be more and
less than "magic": whatever terms one may use to define
the noun, from the sixteenth century into the early nineteenth
century it had at least two different historical manifestations,
each with different aspirations and lineages. Popular or folk
magic with its magic world view was undoubtedly common in early
nineteenth-century America. But there had also entered into the
matrix of American religion elements of this other
"intellectual" Hermetic mythos. And its world view was
much more complex.
By the dawn of the nineteenth century the Hermetic tradition
had developed sub rosa several elements characteristic of
an incipient heterodox religion, including clear restorational
aspirations. From this fertile bed sprang numerous occult
fraternities and societies: societies Kabbalistic, alchemical,
magical, and Masonic. And though they generally used a Christian
vocabulary, the intentions they fostered could appear
antithetical to orthodox Christianity. Most particularly, it was
a view of man and God intrinsically hostile to dour Puritan
presumptions.81 Classic Protestant thought accepted
no theogony (genesis or genealogy of God), and in orthodox
judgment new divine revelation was, as Meric Casaubon expressed,
nothing "else but imposture or melancholy and depraved
phantasie, arising from natural causes."82 By
contrast, in the Hermetic tradition there emerges a coherent and
radically alternative vision which, as Joscelyn Godwin explained,
combines the practical examination of nature with a
spiritual view of the universe as an intelligent
hierarchy of beings; which draws its wisdom from all
possible sources, and which sees the proper end of man as
the direct knowledge of God. This kind of belief
underlies the [Rosicrucian] manifestoes; it is
presupposed in [Robert] Fludd's works and in those of the
alchemists; it reappears in the more esoteric aspects of
Freemasonry.83
By the late eighteenth century, elements usually associated
with the formation of a new religion were present in this
alternative tradition: an intricate and extensive mythic
framework (derived from Kabbalistic, Hermetic, alchemical, and
Rosicrucian materials); an extra-canonical corpus of
"sacred" texts (drawn from archaic Hebrew and Hermetic
sources); a new symbol system (conveying esoteric meanings);
detailed initiatory and ritual formulas; a claim to lineages of
ancient priesthood; an affirmation of renewed communication with
the celestial realms; and a thoroughly articulated reformative,
even millennial, aspiration for a new Adamic restoration. (See
Figure 11.)
When I speak of the Hermetic (or Hermetic-Kabbalistic)
tradition in the early nineteenth century, I mean this
amalgamation of elements along with their underpinning Hermetic
mythos. Though any backwoods rodsman divining for buried
treasures in Vermont in 1820 may have known about the tradition,
it would be erroneous to lump him into it or to see it
necessarily reflected in him. Yet here the distinction must be
drawn: in this same general time and place there undoubtedly
existed individuals who were deeply cognizant of Hermeticism, its
lore, rituals, and aspirations. And this group probably included
an occasional associate of treasure diggers. Such individuals
would have learned about the Hermetic tradition in varying
degrees and from various lineages (including esoteric Masonic and
Rosicrucian orders), but most certainly not as a transmission of
popular magic and folk lore alone.
In summary, the treasure digger's "magic world
view," the supernatural method to means, must be
distinguished from the more complex Hermetic vision conveyed in
the mix of Kabbalah, ceremonial magic, Paracelsian medicine,
Rosicrucianism, alchemical symbolism, and several esoteric brands
of Masonry. And what a young Joseph Smith could have learned from
a rodsman, ensconced only in a magic world view, is less
important to his religious development than the kinds of ideas a
Hermetic initiate might have stimulated.
Joseph Smith, Hermeticism, and Kabbalah
In the period before 1827 Joseph Smith probably had some
passing interaction with individuals knowledgeable of Hermeticism
and Kabbalah. But to reconstruct the history of that exposure
demands consideration of contexts and hypotheses tied to a thin
heritage of fact: it is a type of connection that appears likely
but which cannot be documented with certainty. The situation
changes a bit after 1840. During those last years of Joseph's
life evidences linking him to the Hermetic-Kabbalistic tradition
can, when placed in context, appear substantial. In the following
discussion, I will sketch some of the evidences linking Joseph to
the Hermetic tradition, both early in his prophetic career and
later in Nauvoo. And though the shading of fact may seem too
light or dark, or in proportions skewed, this is a way of drawing
Joseph Smith within his own history that I believe must be
confronted by Mormon historians.84
Of course a question arises that lingers as a subtext to the
material that follows and must be addressed before proceeding: If
Joseph Smith had significant interactions with the
Hermetic-Kabbalistic mythos, did they impact his religion-making
vision? While it seems to me that they probably would or did, I
also acknowledge another possibility: Despite any apparent
historical interactions, common patterns connecting Smith's
vision to the Hermetic-Kabbalistic mythos may be entirely
synchronous (or parallel) rather than causal. And if synchronous,
they further could be classed as archetypal manifestations
consistent with a recurrent type of "revelatory"
experience (such as is witnessed elsewhere in the history of the
tradition) or, instead, as pure happenstance.
If one is inclined to look for links, deeper levels of
complexity soon intrude. The Hermetic-Kabbalistic tradition not
only affirmed the existence of an archetypal structure accessible
to independent, personal cognition or "revelation": it
sought through combined modalities of ritual, symbol, and myth to
aid an individual's encounter with this core reality, a reality
mirrored in the celestial realm and in the seeker's own self.
Accepting that some individuals obtained these experiences, the
question of causal versus synchronous links becomes circular: One
can argue that contact with various Hermetic ideas, symbols,
ceremonies, and myths could (at least occasionally and in the
properly predisposed individual) help invoke a numinous and
uniquely individual experience. The experience, though personal
and self-contained, might become the substratum for creative
development of further intuition and insights inherently present
in the inciting mythos. Thus a tradition breeds an experience
which then replicates anew the tradition. This whole issue
recalls the question plaguing historical studies of Gnosticism
and its various manifestations: is the tradition conveyed through
historically identifiable transmissions; are various historical
manifestations of "Gnostic vision" instead creations of
a reborn and independent "Gnosis" imbued with similar
core insights (what depth psychology calls archetypal patterns);
or are both modes of transmission, inner and outer, intrinsically
coupled? To these questions I can give no answers; I offer only
my intuition that they lurk behind any interpretation of
evidences "linking" Joseph Smith to Hermeticism.
D. Michael Quinn extensively details evidences of Joseph's
early contact with Hermeticism, though he emphasizes the folk
magical aspect. He offers the Smith family's carefully preserved
magical parchments and dagger, and the talisman Joseph carried on
his person.85 One recognizes the prominent use of
Hebrew on both the parchments and talisman, although the reason
for this has not been put in clear context by Mormon historians:
the Hebrew came from Kabbalah.86 As Quinn documents,
knowledge necessary for the preparation of the Smith family
magical implements could have been obtained from books of magic
available in this time and region, and such materials might have
been acquired specifically to aid magical activities associated
with treasure seeking. Preparation for and proper performance of
a magical ritual—including production of a ceremonial dagger or
parchment—was, however, a lengthy and complicated venture
demanding knowledge of an arcane vocabulary. The vast host of
angels and spirits addressed in different magical rituals had
specific names (again drawn from Kabbalah), elaborate magical
signs, and varied functions within the natural and celestial
hierarchies. From this complexity, magic lore made it clear that
there were definite existential dangers in getting the details
wrong. It thus seems likely that in addition to information
gleaned from books, family members would have augmented their
knowledge by associations with individuals experienced in
ceremonial magic and the occult arts. In this company Joseph
Smith might have first been exposed to a person versed in the
deep breadth of Hermeticism.
One individual fits this description: the "occult
mentor" identified by Quinn, Dr. Luman Walter(s). Reputed to
be a physician and magician (the two were sometimes closely
associated in that age), Walter is known to have been in Joseph's
and his family's circle of acquaintances prior to 1827. He was
also a distant cousin of Joseph's future wife, Emma Hale.87
As Quinn notes, "Brigham Young described the unnamed New
York magician as having travel extensively through Europe to
obtain `profound learning,'" and others identified Walter as
"a physician who studied Mesmerism in Europe before meeting
Joseph Smith."88 Walter family records and
legend called him "clairvoyant."89 If
these statements are generally accurate, Walter had considerable
knowledge of Hermetic traditions. During this period in Europe
(and to a lesser degree in America) a physician with interests in
Mesmer, magic, clairvoyance, and "profound learning"
moved in a milieu nurtured by the legacies of Hermeticism. By
definition, such a physician stood in a tradition dominated by
the medical and esoteric writings of Paracelsus, steeped in
alchemy, and associated closely with Rosicrucian philosophy.90
As an individual also interested in hidden treasures, Walter
might have taken particular note of Paracelsus' admonition on
Kabbalah's import:
All of you . . . who see land beyond the horizon, who
read sealed, hidden missives and books, who seek for
buried treasures in the earth and in walls, you who teach
so much wisdom, such high arts—remember that you must
take unto yourselves the teachings of the cabala if you
want to accomplish all this. For the cabala builds on a
true foundation. Pray and it will be given you, knock and
you will be heard, the gate will be opened to you. . . .
Everything you desire will flow and be granted you. You
will see into the greatest depth of the earth . . . The
art of the cabala is beholden to God, it is in alliance
with Him, and it is founded on the words of Christ. But
if you do not follow the true doctrine of the cabala, but
slip into geomancy, you will be led by that spirit which
tells you nothing but lies.91
If Walter did have contact with the young Smith, he might have
shared some interesting ideas about the occult reformative
tradition that had for three centuries been a force working on
the creative edge of the Western religious imagination, concepts
which might have had influenced a prophetic imagination. Here is
the tentative early connection to a legacy of ancient
priesthoods, lost books, sacred weddings, modern seers,
co-eternal matter, golden treasures, angelic messengers, rebuilt
temples, dawning dispensations, and God's glorious intelligence.
Perhaps Walter might even have had something to say about the
story of the sixteen-year-old Christian Rosencreutz who journeyed
to the East and translated the Book M, only to be rejected by the
learned of his age. This was a legacy of ideas about man and God
unlike anything in the texts of revivalism and seekerism sweeping
New York's "burned-over district"92 and
yet so much like the religion embraced by the prophet-to-be.
In addition to early influences from a possible occult mentor
such as Walter, other eddies of the Hermetic mythos swirled near
the young Joseph Smith. Quinn notes, "Pennsylvania was the
focal point of ceremonial magic in early America," and
"several sources indicate that Joseph Jr. engaged in folk
magical activities during the summers of the 1820s away from
Palmyra, often in Pennsylvania."93 What Smith
encountered in Pennsylvania may again be better termed
Hermeticism than folk magic; there is even some possibility that
he had direct contact with Rosicrucian ideas. German Pietists who
had immigrated to Pennsylvania in the previous century were
deeply influenced by Rosicrucianism and the Kabbalistically
flavored mysticism of Jacob Boehme. (See Figure 7.) This is a
repeat citation) The first American Rosicrucian group had been
founded on Wissahickon Creek near Philadelphia just before 1700
by a learned band of theosophists and German Pietists headed by
Johannes Kelpius. In 1720 the German mystic and Pietist Johann
Conrad Beissel immigrated to Pennsylvania seeking to join that
group. He subsequently associated himself with a few of the
remaining Wissahickon mystics and later organized a Rosicrucian
society, the Ephrata commune, near Lanchaster, Pennsylvania.94
Alderfer notes in his study of the movement, "Ephrata
itself, though an inheritor of many strains of mysticism, was a
latter-day haven of essentially gnostic ideas and
terminology."95
The community survived into the early nineteenth century.
During its peak in the mid-eighteenth century it proselytized
widely, sending disciples on "pilgrimages" through the
surrounding countryside and even into New England.96
Alchemy, Kabbalah, and perhaps Freemasonry all played roles in
the mystical philosophy taught at Ephrata.97 A few
tentative evidences suggesting loose association of Smith with
Rosicrucianism, and perhaps even some residual of the Ephrata
commune, are introduced by Quinn.98 But specific
contacts aside, one must recognize that the sophisticated
Rosicrucian, Kabbalistic, and alchemical ideas represented at
Ephrata had been quilted into Pennsylvania's esoteric lore for
over one hundred years prior to Joseph's summer visits in the
1820s. If Smith did have contact with individuals influenced by
these traditions (of which there must have been more than a few),
his knowledge of things Hermetic, Kabbalistic, and alchemical
would have been augmented.
Joseph Smith's possible direct exposure to Kabbalah before
1840 deserves specific comment (I will later discuss in detail
his studies in Nauvoo). The role of Kabbalah in magic was
pervasive enough that even with a curtailed involvement in
ceremonial magic, Smith would have heard of the subject.
Paracelsus's admonition to treasure seekers (quoted above)
represents the importance with which Kabbalistic knowledge was
imbued by occultists; in fact, in the period's vocabulary
"cabala" was often used as a synonym for
"magic" and "occultism." Those Christian
esotericists who knew of Kabbalah in the early nineteenth century
would have known it principally through Christianized
interpretations by then thoroughly amalgamated with Hermetic,
alchemical and Rosicrucian notions. While an occasional American
occultist might have had some knowledge of Kabbalah in its
original Jewish form, study at this basic level required some
knowledge of Hebrew, access to original Hebrew Kabbalistic texts
or the Latin translations in the Kabbalah Denudata, and
(at least in traditional view) an adept Kabbalist as guide.99
Nonetheless, within the context of prevalent transmissions, it is
possible Joseph encountered and took interest in some outline of
Kabbalah. The most basic form available to him would have been
simple representations of the "Tree of Sefiroth"
found in Hermetic works published in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries.100 (see Figure 2.) This
depiction of the Sefiroth alone could conveyed a wealth of
ideas about an emanational structure in the divine life—ideas
which perfused Hermetic ideas and symbols, and which were like
those developed in Mormon theology. The power of this archetypal
pattern of the Sefiroth to stimulate a religious
imagination is witnessed by occasional later Christian
"Kabbalistic" works, some of which appear to be almost
entirely free associations built from meditations on this
structure of the Sefiroth and devoid of any relation to
traditional Jewish or Christian Kabbalistic commentaries.
In this vein, a work recently published by Mormon author Joe
Sampson is interesting.101 Sampson evaluated Joseph
Smith's writings, including the Book of Mormon and Doctrine and
Covenants, and noted a pattern of word and concept usage in
several verses which reproduces both the common English names and
the general hierarchical structure of the Kabbalistic Tree of Sefiroth.102
While Sampson carries his argument beyond what a less intuitive
student might discern, several of his examples deserve
consideration. And though this Kabbalistic pattern in Smith's
revelatory writings may be accidental, it also could suggest some
earlier exposure at least to the concept of the Tree of Sefiroth.
Sampson extends his thesis by suggesting that Smith's translation
of the Book of Abraham from the Egyptian papyrus was a
Kabbalistic work in the classic sense. Though Sampson's
development of this argument is itself cryptically Kabbalistic,
his theme again deserves scrutiny. Kabbalah was, as he notes, the
tradition of prophetic interpretation. It encouraged a creative
rereading of sacred texts in the quest for a return to the
primary vision which was the single source of knowledge and
scripture. In nature (if not in content) Smith's translation of
the Book of Mormon, his retranslation of Genesis, and his
interpretation of the Book of Abraham papyruses all can be seen
as expressions of the primary interpretive vision Kabbalah
mandated from prophetic consciousness. Whether this was a
reflection of Joseph's contact with Kabbalah, or just of Joseph,
remains an open question.103 But beyond doubt, this interpretive activity fits within the evolved
Hermetic-Kabbalistic vision of a true prophet's work.